Our resulting theory -middle-range in explanatory scope - invites critical exploration within future studies of globalization, migration and popular culture. We interpret our selected migrant research groups with reference to four categories of cultural glocalization. Each category represents a particular kind of glocalization project that is developed by these social agents vis-a-vis two cultures: the 'local' one associated with Scottish football that forms their cultural cargo, and the 'host' one that is encountered in North America.
The glocalization projects are:. Relativization: here, social actors seek to preserve their prior cultural institutions, practices and meanings within a new environment, thereby reflecting a commitment to differentiation from the host culture.
Accommodation: here, social actors absorb pragmatically the practices, institutions and meanings associated with other societies, in order to maintain key elements of the prior local culture. Hybridization: here, social actors synthesize local and other cultural phenomena to produce distinctive, hybrid cultural practices, institutions and meanings.
Transformation: here, social actors come to favour the practices, institutions or meanings associated with other cultures. The categories allow us to register sociologically the glocal shifts in the cultural practices, identities and meanings of these migrant social actors. Importantly, no single category defines in entirety the culture of an empirically specified group of supporters.
Rather, the four analytic types are located within a property space defined by different kinds of glocalization project that are available to any modern migrant group. Our typologies are broadly conversant with social scientific explorations of globalization, migration and culture cf. Appadurai, ; Cohen, ; Eriksen, ; Hannerz, Two categories - relativization and hybridization - are. Pieterse, ; Robertson and Chirico, , while 'accommodation' has significant continuities with more societal notions of 'assimilation' and 'integration' in the sociology of migration.
In discussing each category empirically, we utilize four common sociological criteria to organize our analysis:. Cultural sport receptivity: we consider such issues as how supporters relate to aspects of North American sports vis-a-vis Scottish sporting cultures. Socio-spatial characteristics: we discuss these supporters' favoured meeting places and their forms of social connectivity across North America.
Social rituals and collective habitus: we examine the supporters' popular symbols, match-day practices and group identities with comparisons to Scottish-based fans. Patterns of association: we examine social relations within the North American Supporters Clubs NASCs , and the members' links to football club officials. Before advancing our systematic discussion of the four glocalization categories, it is necessary to provide a brief historical contextualization of the research groups.
Celtic and Rangers, otherwise together known as the 'Old Firm', are Scotland's most successful football clubs. Based in Glasgow, the two clubs and their supporters have a long history of ethno-religious or 'sectarian' rivalry.
Rangers have strong Protestant, Unionist and Loyalist traditions, and a large following in Northern Ireland. The club refused to recruit Catholic players until the late s. Celtic have strong Irish-Catholic traditions in Scotland, a sizeable support across Ireland, and backing among some core fans for Irish nationalist politics.
Both clubs attract 45,, fans to home fixtures, and have numerous overseas official supporters' clubs. Both umbrella bodies organize annual summer conventions, with Celtic's gathering attracting over 3, supporters. Each NASC meets in a designated social club or pub to watch their football team live on television. The umbrella bodies pay the signal provider, Setanta television, a collective fee to receive fixtures; each NASC pays into these funds according to its stated membership, and charges admission fees to those who watch games.
Most NASC members are aged , have blue-collar employment backgrounds though some are self-employed or now white-collar , and are first generation male emigrants who left Scotland between and Due to the restructuring of North American immigration policies, younger fans are fewer numerically, and more likely to have white-collar employment.
All interviews were recorded and, with 11 exceptions, located in the 'home' premises of the relevant NASC. All but six interviewees were male, and most were aged over Brief participant observation was undertaken, notably by attending NASCs during social times, chatting informally with club members, and watching live football fixtures. Our research groups were extremely hospitable and welcomed the opportunity to discuss their teams, football, and the lives that they had carved out overseas.
Before travelling to North America, Giulianotti contacted supporters' club representatives by email to arrange interviews. These gatekeepers subsequently organized meetings, advised on travel arrangements, and recommended times for conducting interviews. Many of the proposed questions were emailed to representatives in advance; the questions confirmed implicitly to supporters that the research was not concentrated on sensitive issues such as sectarianism, and enabled interviewees to give informed consent to interviews.
In general, research access to these supporters was far more methodologically orthodox than with earlier studies of very different kinds of football fans cf. Giulianotti, In general terms, relativization involves NASC members transferring, sustaining and cultivating their core identities, practices and institutions within North America. In terms of cultural sporting receptivity, relativization has arisen among all NASCs in three crucial ways.
First, to sustain the cultural form football , expatriate fans evaded full assimilation into North American sports like baseball or hockey, in part by founding neighbourhood football teams and NASCs.
In turn, expatriate fans favourably differentiate their football culture from the quiet crowds and excessive commercialism of North American sports:. Other sports are like tiddlywinks compared to football. I went from watching Celtic play in Barcelona to see the [New York] Yankees play [baseball] at home and it's so limp. You go from baying for blood to a few bits of clapping - there's a huge difference there. I went to see the [New York] Jets play [American football] for the first time in twenty years.
It was a good game, the Jets were really moving up field, then suddenly. The television companies had called for commercials for a few minutes. I was stunned. You don't get that in soccer. Celtic fan, New York. One former Scottish professional footballer, and later coach and broadcaster in Canada, told us that these core allegiances resist deconstruction, partly for technical or aesthetic reasons: 'the expats won't come to see Canadian teams because they're not good enough' Graham, Toronto.
Third, in sustaining core cultural meanings, NASC members interpret football matches in characteristically Scottish ways, sometimes disparaging alternative, North American viewpoints.
As one Rangers fan in New Jersey stated, 'Some of the comments you hear them [Americans] make in here, you won't believe it. Not got a clue. For example, Kearny in New Jersey hosts the Scots-American Club, founded in , which aired live coverage of Old Firm fixtures several years before Setanta emerged cf. Harper, Moreover, some NASCs retain cultural con-gruity by establishing bases in institutions that suit the popular habitus of their supporters.
For example, Celtic fans favour Irish social clubs and pubs; and Rangers fans often meet in themed British bars, or Veterans and Masonic clubs.
The social rituals and collective habitus of NASC members sustain two kinds of relativization. The maintenance of collective memories involves the wholesale transfer to North America of supporter songs, team emblems and folklore. NASC social clubs are proudly decorated in club colours, and feature pictures of team icons past and present.
When matches are televised, the NASC members talk, dress and act as if they are at the game - wearing the team colours, singing songs and cheering goals and fine play by their players. Older fans purposefully pass on the club's lore to younger supporters, while many NASC members ensure that traditional Scottish match-day food is available.
NASCs' social clubs also provide weekend entertainment for members, offering traditional British working-class pastimes like bingo, dominoes and dance nights. Second, as in Scotland, internal relativization occurs whereby the NASCs engage in some cultural differentiation from each other, such as along the lines of ethno-religious views and social backgrounds of supporters:.
On the one hand some fans want the Orange Lodge to be celebrated as part of the Rangers' lore and history, on the other hand there's a group of us that would like to keep it strictly soccer. In one city, for example, we have one club that is based in an Orange Lodge, but the other isn't and it split up from the Orange Lodge because of the politics.
Rangers fan, Ontario. This pub here is for everybody to use. This is not like the other Celtic club round here. There might be a new breed of supporters coming out from the UK, the.
I wouldn't allow it here. Celtic fan, Eastern US. In regard to their patterns of association, NASCs maintain strong 'home' attachments in three particular ways. First, in sustaining internal sociality, many members believe that NASCs would sustain strong crowds even if live fixtures became easily available to residential viewers:. The guys come here mainly for the social thing after the game.
If you stay at home and watch the game, you'll miss all the patter. That's why they come in here. It's the same as any bar in Glasgow - the bullshit, the hangovers, the ball-breaking. Rangers fan, Eastern USA. Second, NASC members sustain the ideal of the football club as an international imagined community or family that always welcomes unknown cousins:. I just want to say one thing. I walked in here and didn't know anyone or anything about the place.
But these gentlemen have treated me royally. That's what it is to be Scottish, to be a Rangers supporter. Rangers fan from Toronto, visiting Florida club.
Celtic fans are exactly the same wherever you go, exactly the same If you go to a Chicago Celtic bar, you walk in, and all of a sudden you're in a big family, that's the great thing about being a Celtic supporter. It doesn't need to be in the US - you can go to Sweden, Australia, anywhere. Celtic fan, Florida. Third, many supporters maintain their national self-identification as Scots, including those who have changed citizenship in North America for purely pragmatic reasons.
Even the notion of hyphenated national identity is dismissed:. The thing about this mixed identity, like being Afro-American, is a load of pish. We're Scottish, that's it. My kids are all Canadian, they were born here so they're Canadians; they're not Scots-Canadian. I'm Scottish. My grandmother was Irish, but I'm Scottish. I'd say all the other club members here would see themselves as Scottish and not Canadian.
Celtic fan, Ontario. To sum up, relativization involves social actors consciously safeguarding their old cultural cargo. Core cultural forms, allegiances, and meanings are maintained within these new environs. Close ties arise where fellow nationals are populous, and in public spaces that have congruent cultural histories.
Collective cultural memories, symbols and practices are sustained, while some forms of internal differentiation are imported. Pleasurable group sociality is prioritized, as actors imagine themselves within a deterritorialized community or 'family', while sustaining popular national identifications. Accommodation involves NASC members pragmatically engaging and absorbing aspects of North American and other cultures, primarily to maintain prior cultural elements.
In terms of cultural sporting receptivity, accommodation has three noteworthy dimensions. First, some supporters have utilized North American sports culture as a practical substitute for unobtainable aspects of their home football culture:. I was a season ticket-holder with the Metrostars [New Jersey soccer team] for two years, and I used to be a massive hockey fan. But not now, I couldn't tell you what's happening in the sport. There are too many other things going on, the internet keeps us up to date with things at home.
And with the [Celtic] games being on [live television], it's brought us much closer to back home, so it's Celtic all the way now. Celtic fan, Eastern USA. Second, some expatriate supporters develop pragmatic support for specific North American sports teams by ironically grounding 'new' allegiances according to prior cultural values and identities. For example, some NASC members jokingly differentiate North American teams according to the popular logic of Scottish football, with reference to ethnic imagery or team colours:.
The Scottish guys here will watch some sports like hockey or baseball. Alan: David and I are just like that. If Syracuse, that's their nickname - the Orangemen - if they're playing Boston College, well they're Fenians, and if they're playing Notre Dame That's how we go, we get a game. Don't have an account? You can easily create a free account. Your Web browser is not enabled for JavaScript. Some features of WorldCat will not be available. Create lists, bibliographies and reviews: or.
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APA 6th ed. Note: Citations are based on reference standards. Review This Product. Welcome to Loot. Checkout Your Cart Price. Add to cart. Wilbert E. John W. Meyer, John Boli, George M. Thomas and Francisco O. Peter F. James N. Tauris, The Cultures of Globalization , pp. Anthony G. Thomas D. Global Modernities , pp. Robert O. But let us consider more directly the illogicality of conceiving of the global and the local as essentially in tension.
Perhaps the best way of doing this is to point to the fact that in "the real world" the human sciences claim to study it is largely assumed that "the problem" is not that of analytically reconciling the local and the global, but, rather, the strategy of so doing. From the leaders of the so-called world religions — most notably and instrumentally — the Roman Catholic Church to present business practice, it has been largely been assumed, not that the global and the local stand in an inevitable relationship of tension but rather that "the problem" is to decide on the best way of collating them.
Hence, as I have previously stated, the conception of micromarketing largely, in the West or of dochakuka , the Japanese way of expressing the inevitable and unavoidable connection of the global and the local, literally meaning indigenization de Mooij, ; Tharp, ; Canclini, Indigenization as an idea invites us to reverse the currently orthodox way of addressing the general theme of globalization.
For it suggests that we think of what is usually these days called globalization as a symbolic way of addressing the issue of the insertion of so-called local "traditions" and practices into the global arena. By and large, so-called indigenous movements seek not, these days, to reject "the world", but rather, to be recognized as part of it. I cannot here addresses the theme of recognition theory, but can point only to its global significance Lash and Featherstone, The complicity of the global and the local is well-illustrated by the ways in which contemporary indigenous movements are becoming increasingly global.
Ginsburg, Abu-Lughod and Larkin, So, in this respect, glocalization is to be advocated as a way of recognizing and loosely incorporating indigenous movements. Tomlinson has suggestively adapted the idea of glocalization so as to render the concept of cosmopolitanism as "ethical glocalism.
On the other hand, it draws attention to some of the limitations of glocalization, so far as the implementation of the latter is concerned. Tomlinson's idea has the limitation that - at least, in its simplistic form — all cultures should be respected. Whether he actually means that ethical glocalism should be stretched that far or not, the question is raised as to whether all cultures should be equally respected. My own answer to that query is definitely in the negative — for a variety of reasons that cannot be elaborated here.
Finally, as has been mentioned already the dichotomy of the global and the local has become a very prominent theme in so-called anti-globalization movements e. In such movements the local has been valorized in opposition or resistance to the global Robertson, Hence the increasing popularity of the theme of "globalization from below" and of the idea that to a significant extent globalization is in our hands.
I have attempted — be it all briefly — to maintain that this very "antinomy" is a form of false consciousness. We need, not just academically, to comprehend the human condition Parsons, as fully as possible. This has been written from a neo-sociological perspective. The "neo" has been added as a qualifier only because there is a - perhaps receding — tendency to think of sociology as a specialized discipline.
Its comprehensiveness - its more than occasional boldness - is part of the present thesis concerning globality and locality. So while I have often mentioned cross- or transdisciplinarity, I am suggesting that sociology is potentially the most inclusive of disciplines, although modern anthropology may well also have solid claims to that description.
Of paramount importance are the ways in which these antimonic relationships have continued to be reproduced. For far too long, this family of antinomic connections has pervaded our thinking, both in the East and the West. White for her usual intellectual, technical and practical assistance, as well as for her patience.
Seoul, , pp. References Albrow, Martin. Appadurai, Arjun. Wurzburg: Ergon Verlag. Arnason, J. Leiden: Brill. Beck, Ulrich. Risk Society. London: Sage.
Canclini, Nestor Garcia. Consumers: Globalization and Multicultural Conflicts. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Castells, Manuel. The Rise of the Network Society. Oxford: Blackwell. The Power of Identity. End of Millennium. Giroux; Donaldo Macedo and Paul Willis.
Critical Education in the New Information Age.
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